"THE situation at Homestead has not improved,"
wrote Sheriff McCleary to Governor Pattison, of Pennsylvania; and then
he went on to say that while all was quiet, the strikers were in control
and had openly expressed to him their determination not to allow the Carnegie
works to be operated by any but themselves.
The poor sheriff had had a hard time of it. The governor
blamed him for allowing the Pinkertons to go to Homestead to do his work.
When he did try to raise a posse he could only get a dozen citizens or
so who had the pluck--or it may have been sympathy with the strikers had
something to do with it--to answer the call. Be this as it may, Sheriff
McCleary threw himself upon the good nature of the governor, telling him
that only a large military force would enable him to control matters, and
the governor gave orders to Gen. George R. Snowden to place his entire
division under arms and to take 8,500 men to maintain the Peace at Homestead.
This was no sooner said than done. By the morning of the
12th the troops were in the town. So suddenly did they make their appearance,
that before the strikers could realize that they were actually there, the
town was completely invested by the National Guard. For a week the strikers
had defied the law; mob rule had reigned supreme. There had been peace
since the battle with the Pinkertons, but it had been an armed and lawless
peace. Now all was changed. Gen. Snowden showed that he had gone to Homestead
with the full intention of maintaining peace, and that he and his soldiers
were not to be trifled with.
Gen. Snowden appears to have carried out his plan of campaign
with great military skill. In the first orders, issued immediately after
the governor had ordered out the troops, Brinton, on the Monongahela River,
and about a mile-and-a-half from Homestead, was announced as the rendezvous.
It was his intention that the Second and Third Brigades of the National
Guard should gather there on July 11, go into camp for the night, and march
into Homestead at daybreak the following morning. But the correspondents
got wind of his plan, and the details appeared in all the papers. There
was a great chance now of the rioters and their sympathizers collecting
in great force at Brinton, and a possibility of their making an attack
upon the soldiers before they reached Homestead. To prevent this, Gen.
Snowden altered his plans and notified his colonels that he had selected
Blairsville, a station on the Pennsylvania Railroad, about fifty-two miles
east of Pittsburgh for the rendezvous. The general intended this second
order should leak out, which it did, and duly appeared in the papers, but
what his true intentions were he kept to himself, not even taking his colonels
into his confidence. When the soldiers reached Brinton there were not less
than ten thousand persons on the platform to meet them. But at Brinton
the conductor found orders to proceed to Wall, and at Wall to go on somewhere,
and so until the special reached Radebaugh, where there is a signal station.
The next morning the troops were in Homestead.
The rioters had got up a very pretty scheme, which they
hoped would gain them the sympathy of the public, and probably it would
have had they succeeded in carrying out their project. They sent a delegation
from the Amalgamated Association to Gen. Snowden at his headquarters. They
decided to inform him that they had come to offer him their assistance,
but the general put on his most freezing manner when he told them he had
no need of their services, he meant to preserve order himself. "I
am here, " he said, " by order of the governor to cooperate with
the sheriff in the maintenance of order and the protection of the Carnegie
Steel Company in the possession of its property."
This was a terrible snubbing for the delegation, for it
had been intended to treat the entry of the troops as a fete, and to let
them march in to the strains of a brass band. As Hugh O'Donnell, the labor
leader, who was one of the delegation, said: "I never met with such
a chilling reception in my life. Gen. Snowden didn't seem to have the slightest
regard for what he said or thought."
Meanwhile Congress had appointed a committee to go to
Pittsburgh and investigate the troubles and outbreak at Homestead. During
the investigation Mr. H.C. Frick, chairman of the Carnegie Company, produced
the letter he had written to Robert Pinkerton on June 25, with regard to
the hiring of 300 of his men to guard the Homestead mills.
"The only trouble we anticipate,'' he wrote, "is
that an attempt will be made to prevent such of our men, with whom we will
by that time have made satisfactory arrangements, from going to work, and
possibly some demonstration of violence upon the part of those whose places
have been filled, or most likely by an element which usually is attracted
to such scenes for the purpose of stirring up trouble. We are not desirous
that the men you send shall be armed unless the occasion properly calls
for such a measure later on, for the protection of our employee or property.
We will wish those guards to be placed upon our property, and there to
remain, unless called into other service by the civil authority to meet
an emergency that is likely to arise."
Hugh O'Donnell, the young leader of the strikers, made
a brief statement, giving an account of how the fight was brought about.
According to him, about two o'clock in the morning an alarm reached the
headquarters of the strikers that the Pinkertons were descending upon Homestead.
He went down to the bank of the River Monongahela. A big crowd of Hungarians,
Slavs, women, and boys were on the banks, and were firing pistols in the
air. He advised the men not to fire and followed them as they moved up
to the point toward which the boat was heading. While he was addressing
the crowd, urging them not to use violence, a volley was fired from the
barges and a bullet struck his thumb. The firing lasted about five minutes.
As to the way in which the surrender of the Pinkertons was effected, O'Donnell
told the following story:
"I tied a handkerchief on the end of a rifle barrel
and waved it over the pile of beams behind which we lay. The men had promised
me that in case the Pinkertons surrendered they should not be shown any
violence. When I waved my handkerchief one of the guards came out on the
barges and waved his hands. As soon as he appeared one of our men jumped
from behind his barricade and exposed himself to the fire of the Pinkertons.
I walked down the bank, and said to the man who had come out on the barge,
that I thought the thing had gone far enough, and he said he thought it
had gone altogether too far. He then accepted my proposition that his men
should make an unconditional surrender, and should give up their rifles.
While the rifles were being unloaded, the crowd began to assemble on the
barges, and I must confess that during the march from the barges to the
rink the Pinkerton men were shamefully abused by the crowd, but we took
care of them that night and saw that they got out of town safely."
Frick, the president of the company, is a determined man,
and when he stated that he would not give in to the strikers, everyone
who knew anything of him believed he would keep his word. But the strikers,
too, were equally determined, and there was an inclination among them to
rule Homestead by mob law. Anyone who was suspected of having any connection
with Carnegie's people was taken to the Rights of headquarters of the strikers,
there to be examined as to his mission, and personal rights were very little
regarded. Gen. Snowden threatened to arrest any one who dared to interfere
with the rights of citizens; but the strikers, who became more and more
sullen each day the troops were in their midst, had awed the people, and
nobody cared to act as complainant in such a case.