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fortifications of this place were deemed insufficient for defense, and the

retreat was about to be continued, when a demand for surrender was made in

the name of the Parthian king. Crassus was not disposed to yield, but a

division of the army mutinied, and he was obliged to capitulate. He,

together with several of his leading officers, was seized by the Parthians

and put to death. One division of troops, under command of Cassius, escaped

from Carrhae, and reached Syria in safety. All the rest of the army,

amounting to thirty thousand men, were either killed or captured.

Rome was now a prey to the rival bands of Clodius and Milo. The triumvirate

was falling to pieces and so was the Republic. The death of Crassus reduced

the masters to two. It was already a duumvirate, and the ties which held

the two together were dissolving. In B.C. 54, Julia, the wife of Pompeius

and daughter of Caesar, died. The latter attempted to furnish his colleague

with another wife, but Pompeius, who now looked to the senatorial party for

support, took, instead of Caesar's choice, the daughter of Metellus Scipio.

Soon afterwards Clodius was met in the Appian Way and killed by a company

of gladiators led by Milo. The people, however, took the body to the city,

tore up the benches of the Senate House for a pyre, and burned the corpse

and the edifice together. So terrible and frequent became the riots that in

February of B. C. 52 Pompeius was appointed dictator-though without the

name-and entrusted with the defense of the city. He thereupon renounced his

alliance with Caesar, and announced his purpose to uphold the Senate and

maintain the ancient regime.

The power of the state now fell into the hands of the Optimates. Order was

measurably restored in. the city. The leaders of the mobs were exiled. Even

Milo, though an adherent of the senatorial party, was banished to Massilia.

In the next place, a law was proposed for the purpose of overthrowing

Caesar. The measure provided that no one should be a candidate for office

during his absence from Italy. The friends and partisans of Caesar demanded

that he should be exempted from the operation of the law; but this was

refused, though Pompeius himself was considered as exempt. The years B. C.

51-50 were passed in suppressed excitement. Cato had given notice that on

the expiration of. Caesar's term he would impeach him. The condition of the

proconsul was one of extreme delicacy, not unmixed with danger.

It is necessary to understand succinctly the condition of affairs. When the

conference was held between the triumvirs at Luca it was expressly agreed

that when Caesar's second five years in the proconsulship of Gaul should

expire-which would be at the close of B. C. 49-he should be again elected,

or permitted to stand for election, to the consulship. In order to do so,

he must present himself in person in the city. In order to do this, he must

resign his proconsular authority before entering Italy. Should he do so, he

would no longer be protected by the sacredness of his office, and would

certainly be seized and impeached as soon as he should arrive at Rome. The

law, however, requiring the personal presence of the candidate in the city

had become by frequent violations a dead letter, and indeed had been

positively abrogated. It was now only dragged forth from the sepulcher and

galvanized into apparent life to prevent by the form of law what the spirit

of law no longer demanded. It can not be denied that the senatorial party,

now headed by Pompeius and Cato, had determined to prevent at all hazards

the reappearance of Caesar as a candidate for the consulship, and this in

the very face of the agreement which Pompeius had subscribed at Luca, in

accordance with the terms of which he had himself with presumed legality

enjoyed for nearly five years the government of Italy.

Meanwhile Caesar made. unwearied efforts to effect a reconciliation. He may

have intrigued to produce the condition of affairs now present in the

state, but there is no denial of the fact that his conduct was henceforth

on the side of law, and mostly on the side of right. Seeing from a distance

the coalition of his enemies, and knowing that if he yielded, his fate was

sealed, and perceiving more clearly than any other man in the Republic that

the old system was effete, and that