novel ideas have been taken up and re-echoed by the French press in every variety of shape and language, and have put the question in an entirely new aspect. It has been necessary to employ a corps of writers to keep the subject before the public, as amateurs cannot be relied upon for other than occasional labors, and I have secured some very efficient ones. The South owes much to the writers who have labored so diligently on the French and English press since the commencement of the struggle without reward, or even recognition of their services. Several of these I have found still pursuing their thankless task under great disadvantages, and I think it due to them that their names should be given to the Department. They have borne the heat and burden of the day, and fitting acknowledgment of their labors should be made when their work is done and the battle won. In this connection I would particularize Pecquet de Bellet and Edward Gaulhac, of New Orleans, and Charles Girard, formerly secretary of the Smithsonian Institution; and in London, George McHenry, formerly of Philadelphia, whose contributions to the London journals have been of immense value to the cause, and the more so from the fact of his coming from a Northern city. Of Mr. Hotze's untiring industry and energy I have spoken in my former dispatch.
By a perusal of the files of English papers sent you will see why my labors have been confined to France. The real merits of the question and the relative position of the belligerent are as well understood at London as at Richmond, and there is no point on which we can give them any information, except the few matters of detail touched on in my letter to the English press, copy of which has already been forwarded. The Times, the Post, the Herald, organs of the two great political parties and of the public at large, have dedicated much of their space and many of their leaders to an exposure of the false pretenses and fabulous narratives of 'strategic movements" backward, claimed as victories, until the very name of Yankenostrils of the English people. By request of Mr. Thackeray I have prepared narrative of our own personal experiences in breaking the blockade, which has afforded an opportunity for a political disquisition on the position of the Yankee marine toward the British. This will appear in the October number of the Cornhill Magazine. A sketch, partly biographical and partly political, giving some incidents of the life and career of President Davis, appeared in the September number of the Blackwood's Magazine. All these publications tend to concentrate public attention on the men of our revolution.
The recent exploits of Stonewall Jackson and General Lee have made their names historic here and given additional luster to our military renown. With the tide of public opinion running so strong in England that even Lord Shaftesbury and Exeter Hall now abandon their Yankee sympathies as untrue, even to their avowed Abolition proclivities; with but two presses in London in favor of the Yankees, viz, the News and Daily Star, both uninfluential papers; with the strong pressure put upon them by the emperor, it may be asked why the British Cabinet delay recognition? As far as we can judge they act from mixed motives. They believe that recognition of the South would lead too war with the North, and consider the Yankee marine a standing menace too their commerce, which would afford rich spoils to those enemies of the human race. Moreover, the cotton famine, strange as it may seem, pays the manufacturers handsomely,