Finding that nothing could be effected for the moment in the field of diplomacy, and that the Emperor was most cautious in moving with public opinion, instead of striding in advance of it, as is generally supposed, I left Vichy and immediately turned my attention to the manufacture and improvement of that article through the agency of the press, still a great power in France. Very erroneous ideas prevail as to the actual restrictions on the liberty of speech and writing here. With he exception of criticizing the royal person or reviving dynastic differences, great license of political discussion and of criticizing the imperial policy is accorded to the French press, and the polemiques of the different journals are most eagerly and widely read in the cafes and restaurants, where much of Parisian life is passed. I found both our friends and foes in the French press lamentably ignorant and terribly prejudiced as to the real merits of the question and as to the actual condition of the two parties to the struggle. To my surprise, the slavery question, which has been dropped in England, was made the great bugbear in France, and those who professed to be our advocates were pleading pitifully an extenuation of our sins in this respect and shuddering at the epithet esclavagiste, with which the paid partisans of the North are pelting them. Strange as it may seem, there is really more feeling for the black on this side of the channel than on the other, as the sentimental side of the French character has been enlisted in the supposed sufferings of this race. The North, from the commencement of the struggle, has spent money very freely in the manufacture of foreign opinion, especially in Paris and Brussels, where very high sums have been paid, and to counteract these influences I have been compelled to use extraordinary exertions and extraordinary means, which I am happy to say have wrought very great results in the past two months, as the changed tone oss on both sides abundantly testifies. Without descending too much into particulars, it is only necessary to say that the Southern cause is now ardently and efficiently supported by all the semi-official journals in Paris and the provinces, a large network covering France by some of the clerical journals in Paris and the provinces, a large network covering France by some of the clerical journals before hostile to us, by the organs of the manufacturers and industrial classes at Lyons, Bordeaux, Havre, Rouen, &c., and at the same time the fire of opposition has slackened, and from an offensive they have been driven into a defensive attitude.
To correct the numerous misrepresentations current aborad, and especially to throw light on the actual position vis a vis to our slave population, early in August I published a French brochure "La verite sour des Etats Confederes" under my own name (copy of which is sent you), and that has served as a brief for our friends who have made liberal use of the facts and statements it contains. The portrait of President Davis, which was prepared expressly for this publication, has also greatly contributed to give it wide circulation, and his countenance has been a good letter of recommendation for our cause with those who care nothing for its principles. You will observe that the ground is boldly taken in that publication that the South is able to vindicate her own independence without foreign assistance, and is rapidly doing so that her resources are ample for her needs; that she has nothing to apologize for in her "peculiar institution," but has ever been the best friend of the black race; that the question of slavery really is not at the bottom of this quarrel, and that the negroes at the South sympathize with their Southern friends and hate and distrust the Yankees, as they have good right to do. These, to them,