which have been made to me, as confidential agent, by responsible parties here, and which may possibly seem worthy of the serious consideration of our Government. And firstly, as regards our present prospects of formal recognition. When my last dispatch was written there was good reason to believe that France, or it ruler, had not yet positively decided upon the line of conduct to be pursued, and the temptation to act independently of England was very great, from motives both of policy and pride. While England promptly and positively refused recognition in response to Mr. Mason's formal demand, the simultaneous movement of Mr. Slidell here did not meet with a similar reception from the French Government, and officially the same suspension of judgment has been kept up to this day. No formal announcement of the refusal of France to recognize the Confederate States has ever appeared in the official or semi-official, journals here which contracts strongly with the action of England, nor (as far as my information goes) has any such formal answer been given to Mr. Slidell. The tide which was setting in so strongly toward our recognition when my last communication was made was turned by the frantic folly of Garibaldi in Italy, which created a serious crisis in Europe and rendered it evident that France could not and would not act alone on the American question while so grave a complication continued. That complication is far from having ceased with the capture of Garibaldi, sustained, as he is, in his prison by the active sympathy of England and of the revolutionary party in France. On the contrary, it daily becomes more grave, and has forced out an unwilling utterance from the Emperor himself on the Italian question, in the publication of his instructions to his minister of sate, and the subsequent correspondence resulting therefrom in May and June last. Inclosed I send you that correspondence as published in The Moniteur. * Opposed, therefore, as he is, to the policy of Victor Emmanuel, sustained by England and the Liberal party on the Continent, as well as the policy of the Parti Piete, who clamor for the restitution of the whole patrimony of St. Peter to the hands of the Pope, and to the Red Republicans, who raise the cry of "Rome or death,"the role of the Emperor is most delicate and difficult at this moment.
It was a knowledge of these facts, and the assurance of those very near him at Vichy that his mind was entirely preoccupied with the new and alarming question which had arisen, which induced me to withdraw from his secretary my proposal for an audience on the plea of sudden and pressing business at Paris. As such an interview would only have been a ceremonial one and without results, I deemed I best to keep that pleasure in reserve. That the Emperor himself is friendly to us and our cause there can be no doubt. That he regrets having been over persuaded by the Russell-Palmerston Cabinet into recognition of the Yankee blockade when it was only a paper one is equally certain, for he says so himself, and he has recently declared in private conversations with members of the British Parliament that England has kept and continues to keep him back from a formal recognition of the Confederate States. His Cabinet concur with him in opinion, but differ as to joint or separate action. Mr. Thouvenel rigidly adheres to the English alliance and is less friendly than Messrs. Morny and Persigny, who carry the large majority of the Cabinet with them.