pursued by the Executive Department which the President-elect recommended in a public address, when, after having declared the ends to be accomplished, he said:
To do these things we must employ instrumentalities; we must hold conventions; we must adopt platforms, if we conform to the ordinary custom; we must nominate candidates, and we must carry elections. In all these things I think we ought to keep in view our real purpose, and in none do anything that stands adverse to our purpose.
Those men who direct the sentiment, purpose, and action of this party have notified the people of the slave-holding States that the past policy of the Federal Government is not to be wholly changed; that those principles which have secured our present respect abroad and our past internal prosperity are to be superseded by others which are adverse to the true theory, nature, and designs of the federal government. Mr. Lincoln has left us in no doubt as to his policy. In the address before alluded to, which he delivered at Cincinnati in September, 1859, he emphatically declared:
I think we want, and must have, a national policy in regard to the institution of slavery that acknowledges and deals with that institution as being wrong. Whoever desires the prevention of the spread of slavery and the nationalization of that institution yields all when he yields to any policy that either recognizes slavery as being right or as being an indifferent thing. Nothing will make you successful but setting up a policy which shall treat the thing as being wrong. When I say this I do not mean to say that this General Government is charged with the duty of redressing or preventing all the wrongs in the world, but I do think that it is charged with preventing and redressing all wrongs which are wrongs to itself. This Government is expressly charged with the duty of providing for the general welfare. We believe that the spreading and perpetuity of the institution of slavery impairs the general welfare. We believe, nay, we know, that is the only thing that has ever threatened the perpetuity of the Union itself. The only thing which has ever menaced the destruction of the Government under which we live is this very thing. To repress this thing is, we think, providing for the general welfare.
He may suppose that the people of the slave-holding States will be satisfied with the assurance that he does not intend to interfere with slavery in the States; but, in thus supposing, he supposes further, that they have not the manhood and honor to assert and maintain, or do not possess the intelligence to understand, their rights in the Territories or wherever else the jurisdiction of the Government extends, and that they are willing to surrender all the outposts, and leave the citadel unguarded, liable to first covert then open attacks. Notwithstanding this assurance, common sense and experience, our knowledge of human nature and all history, teach that, believing slavery to be a moral and political evil, a wrong to the Government, and that these States cannot exist half free and half slave, Mr. Lincoln will exert all his powers, influence, and patronage "to place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction. " From these principles and this avowed policy the following propositions may be correctly deduced:
The success of "Republicanism" ignores the sovereignty and disregards the rights of the States by disallowing the concurrent majorities established by the Constitution and perverting the powers of the Federal Government to the redressing of what it may consider to be a wrong in the social, domestic, or local institutions and regulations of any of the States, and by converting that which was intended to be a federal republic into a consolidated, centralized power, a despotism of numbers. Its success destroys the equality of the States by a denial of common and equal rights in the common territories; by the