In my arguments upon this subject I have thought it a waste of words and time to discuss the abstract right of secession. To us it does not matter whether it be a constitutional remedy or not. What right has the Black Republican or his allies to read us lectures on constitutional rights after having violated with impunity the plainest provisions of the Constitution for more than thirty years? I pray that our friends may not be betrayed into any rash acts or measures. Let there be no threats, no bravado, no gasconading; but firmly and determinedly let us take our position in the right and stand by it to the last.
C. F. JACKSON.
[JANUARY 7, 1861. -For Yulee to Finegan, inclosing copy of resolutions adopted at a consultation of Senators from the seceding States, see Series I, VOL. I, p. 443.]
WASHINGTON CITY, January 7, 1861.
His Excellency A. B. MOORE:
MY DEAR SIR: At a caucus of Senators from the States of Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisiana, and Texas, in which all were present but Mr. Toombs and Mr. Sebastian, the inclosed resolutions were adopted, the first and second with but one dissentient, and the third with but four. Members of the House of Representatives from those States were not present, because there was not time to summon them, and, in fact, many of them had left this city. There was a common understanding that the Senators of each State should communicate the resolutions and action of the caucus to the Governor of their State, to be used as might be deemed best on consultation with members of the convention or Legislature that might be assembled. I wish to invoke attention to the third resolution, and to make such explanation as is necessary to prevent any misconstruction of the motive of those who voted for it. It will at once occur to your mind that there is a plain incongruity between the first and third resolutions; that after a State has seceded from the present Federal Union its Senators and Representatives have no right to seats in this Congress. Such must be the conclusion of all who maintain the right of secession. This was admitted by the caucus, not excepting, I believe, one of those who voted for the third resolution. But the Black Republicans deny the right of secession; insist that the late Senators and Representatives from South Carolina are still members of the respective houses to which they were elected, and the names of those Representatives (by order of Speaker Pennington) and of those Senators (without order or objection) are still called as if present. They are, therefore, estopped from objecting to the votes of Senators and Representatives from other secede before the 4th of March next, if any retain their seats after the secession of their State.
There is a manifest purpose of the Black Republicans in both houses of Congress to use the power they may have, when the Senators and Representatives of the cotton States leave here, to enact every species of legislation which hate of the South and lust of power and plunder may suggest. Bills extending the districts for the collection of revenue, so as to authorize collections on board of war vessels in view of Southern ports; increasing the tariff and making it discriminate more against the South; increasing the Army and Navy; calling for