If he is an alien enemy he ought to be gone but cannot go if the door is closed upon him. There is not the slightest reason for believing him a spy, and the only pretense for detaining him now is that it is protect him from violence. It may be the best thing for him to keep him in jail, but it certainly is not the best thing for the State to trample on principles and infict hard imprisonment on an innocent man because he is helpless. If the intention was to assassiante I could see how that might gratify revenge, but if they ever intend to let him out alive they ought not to send him out with an authentic story of lawless imprisonment to amuse the world.
Now, my dear sir, my only interest beyond the common sentiment of indignation against wrong in this individual is that his father was my friend, and I think that a word from one who has the manliness to speak out would not fail to procure the assent of so good a man as Mr. Letcher to the evident justice of his claim to be discharged from costody, and beg of you to let Mr. Letcher know wht I am responsible for the truth of it.
J. L. PETIGRU.
RICHMOND, VA., July 26, 1861.
TO THE HONORABLE MEMBERS OF THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA.
SIRS: I beg leave respectfully to invite your attention to the following statement of facts connected with my arrest at Atlanta, Ga., on the 18th ultimo; my journey to Richmond on the 21st ultimo; my rearrest in this city on the 24th ultimo and my imprisonment continued up to the present date without a hearing on the merits of my case; without the appearance of any responsable accuser against me and with no definite charge offered to account for or to justify my confinement. I crave your patience then for a brief recital of matters which it seems to be impossible for me in any other way to bring to the effective corganize of any regularly constituted authority in the Confederate States.
A native of Charleston, my relatives reside mainly in the Southern States. June 3, 1861, I left New York for Richmond with the intention of visiting my friends at Richmond and in Charleston, S. C., and of enabling myself better to prosecute a course of opposition to the existing war policy of the United States Government which I had independently pursued ever since the beinning of the movement of secession. I had not then nor have I had for many months past any connection whatever with any journal in New York or eleswhere, having dissolved my editorial relations with the New York Times, the only salaried relations which I have ever sustained with any newspaper, when that journal gave itself to the support of Mr. Lincoln. I advocated the election of Mr. Douglas down to the autumn of 1860 when I acceded to what was known as the "Fusion Ticket" in New York. I was a delegate from New York to the Conservative Convention at Albany in February, 1861, and drew up in great part the anti-coercive resolutions there offered by the Tammany delegation. In the end of May I published at my own expense a pamphelt on the "financial aspects of the war", of which I deposited several copies with my friend, Mr. Robert McLane, of Baltimore, for transmission to a high functionary in this city.
From Mr. McLane I received, June 4, a long verbal communication for the President of the Confederate States and a note of introduction