rebel masters, and the Department had called for reports in order that such officers may be duly punished. Why don't you publish again General Butler's reply to Governor Andrew's lecture to him upon similarproceedings? You indorsed that letterat the time as a fitting rebuke and so did the nation generally. Give us that letter.
Why do you not boldly and openly sustain all who maintain and defend the Constitution? Why not proclaim to Army and Navy that the Constitution is the supreme law of the land? When by the course of the brutum fulmen sirens the horrors of a servile war shall aggravate the desolation of the South, mortally embittering hatred without securing subjugation or union-with murderers alike of the Constitution as of women and children-what a union is thus offered to the South-a fraternity of the "Massachusetts school. " Will you be able in that dread day to find siren songs which will lull your awakened conscience? Why not act consistently with your delcarations of the unconstitutionality of the proclamation and of a desire to restore a fraternal union? Will it weaken the North at home or degrade it abroad if you and all others condemning this act take all necessary and proper steps to avert the disgrace abroad and the horrors at home of its enactment? With the thunder of the people's voice let the lighting of their will strike all who lay sacrilegious hands upon that ark of our security, the constitution.
I look upon the imprisonment of what are termed state prisoners-indeed upon the summary execution of all of them though all be pure as was Washington- as a light crimein comparison with the proclamation policy. How the papers teemed at one time with denunciations of an emancipation policy, universally scouting the idea as a monstrous slander, and they and the Army vied with each other in giving assurances that whenever an emancipation policy should be announced that the whole ARmy would refuse to act and would lay down their arms. Can't you reublish some of the many thousands such assurances so vehemently given? The sins of this war are already a sufficient stench in the nostrils of nations. Shall this country by the adoption of the proclamation policy attach an inextinguishable odor of infamy to itself?
W. H. WINDER.
WASHINGTON, D. C., November 22, 1861.
SECRETARY OF STATE:
On Monday last while in Burch's saloon on Fourteenth street in company with Honorable Thomas H. ClayI was introduced by a Mr. Munroe to a Mr. Winder, who was represented as an excellent man in every respect except that he was a secessionist. In a brief conversation which followed Mr. Winder remarked that his sympathies were with the South in the pending struggle. Upon a remark being made by Mr. Munroe that some day he would probably be as good and loyal a citizen as any and would see the error of his views Winder remarked that he probably never should change his sentiments; that he was a Southern man; that when arrested (and he remarked parenthetically that he was a prisoner now on parole) and brought before General Porter he had said:
General, let's avoid any unnecessary circumlocution in this matter. If to sympathize with the South and to desire her success in the present struggle is my offense I am guilty, but if acts are requisite to make it out I am not.