eral Kilpatrick's or General Terry's command? I have twelwe orderlies from that regiment. The quartemraster's department has twice refused to honor my requstions for about twenty horses and saddles to mount infantry for patrols and orderlies. There are more than twenty captured horses not in use, and Captain Lamb has fifteen saddles not need by his department. The ordnance depot has six out of repair. I invoke suggest that the quasteermaster be authorized to ship captured property. I can put my hands upon 2,400 bales of cotton, 2,000 packages of tobacco, and 40,000 barrels of rosin. At present the alleged owners look out for its safety better than I could. Should I seize it before we could transport it the Government would run the risk of losing property that it might have to pay for.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOS. R. HAWLEY,
HDQRS. MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI,
In the Field, Raleigh, N. C., April 21, 1865.
S. L. FREMONT, Esq,
Wilmington, N. C.:
SIR: I have before me your letter addressed to General Hawley, inclosing a paper signed by John Dawson, Edward Kiddon, and others testifying to your feelings of loyalty and attachment to the Government of the United States. Of course I am gratifield to know the truth as to one for whom I entertained friendship dated far back in other and better days. I will be frank and honest with you. Simple passive submission to events by a man in the prime of life is not all that is due to society in times of revolution. Had the Northern men residing at the South spoken out manfully and truly at the outset the active secessionists could not have carried the masses of men as they did. It may not be that the war could have been avoide, but the rebellion would not have assumed the mammoth proportions it did. The idea of war to perpetuate slavery in the year 1861 was insult to the intelligence of the age. As long as the South abided by the conditions of our fundamental contract of government, the Constitution, all lawabiding citizens were bound to respect the property in slaves, whether they approved it or not, but when the South violated that compact openly, publicly, and violently, it was absurd to suppose we were bound to respect that kind of property or any kind of property. I do have a feeling allied to abhorrence toward Northern men resident South, for their silence or asquiescence was one of the causes of the war assuming the magnitude it did, and in consequence we mourn the loos of such men as John F. Reynolds, McPherson, and thousands of noble gentlemen, any once of whom was worth all slaves of the South and half of the white popultion thrown in. The result is nearly accomplished, and is what you might have foreseen, and in a measure prevented-desolation from the Ohio to the Gulf, and morning in every household. I am not made of stone, and cannot help indulging in a feeling toward the Union men Sout who failed at the proper time to meet the storm and check it before it gained full headway. I have a right to speak thus, because I was South in 1861 and saw myself such men as Duncan, Bush Johnston, and others join in the populr sneer at Yankees when they knew better. For them I have not aparticle of