lucky in steering their barks clear of the rock of danger, I take the liberty of sending, through Mrs. Sherman, copies of a short correspondence which involves a high moral and political principle. The whole will be plain to you at a glance, and I now propose to call your attention to one phase of it, and trace the logical sequence.
Knox, a citizen, entitled to all the rights of a citizen of any and every kind, a strong, stalwart man, capable of handling a musket, comes into the camp of a major-general who he never saw in person, conversed with, or knew anything about, in open and known violation of his orders, and, dating his matter from the headquarters of a part of this very command, published a string of falsehood, abusive of every servant of the Government, except a small knot of "cunning and knowing ones bred in the same litter." These were heroes; all else were knaves, fools, cowards, everything, and the major-general in command, with commissions from a cadet all the way up the major-general, test by twenty yards' service in every part of this continent, who has managed all manner of business without a stain heretofore, is declared by this youngster and stranger as a mere ass, yea, insane. When called on in person to explain his motive-"Of course, General Sherman, I had not feeling against you personally, but you are regarded the enemy of our set, and we must in self-defense write you down."
When a court-martial banishes him, the President of the United States, upon the personal application of this man, fortified by "respectable persons," sends him back, subject to a condition not dependent on me. Does Knox exhibit any sign of appreciating the real issue? He "regrets" the unhappy difference between a portion of the army and himself. The whole "press" and the sheet, the New York Herald, which he represents will appreciate the fact of my humbling myself to its agent, to my tamely submitting to its insults.
When Mr. Colhoun announced to General Jackson the doctrine of secession, did he bow to the opinion of that respectable source and the vast array of people whom he represented? Numbers He answered, X is treason, death. Had he yielded an inch, the storm would then have swept over this country.
Had Mr. Buchanan met the seizure of our mints and arsenals in the same spirit, he would have kept this war within the limits of actual traitors; but, by temporizing, he gave the time and opportunity or the organization of a rebellion of half the nation. So in this case. The assertion of the principle that the "press" has a right to keep paid agents in our camps, independent of the properly accredited commanders appointed by law, would, if successful, destroy any army, and the certain result would be not only an open, bold, and determined rebellion, but dissension, discord, and mutiny throughout the land and in our very camps. In this point I may be in error, but, for the time being, I am the best judge. I am no enemy to freedom of through, freedom of the "press" and speech, but in all controversies there is a time when discussion must cease and action begin. That time has not only come, but has been in plain, palpable existence for two years. No amount of argument will move the rebellious. They have thrown aide the pen and taken and sword. Though slow to realize this facts, though vacillating in preparation and act, the North must do the same or perish and become the contempt of all mankind. Persons at a distance, who can look back upon the North, see, with pain and sorrow, the dissensions and vain discussions which are kept alive by a free press. In it they see the exercise of an undoubted right-the same that a man has in his own household to burn his books, destroy his furniture, abuse his family,