four millions more of the while race whose growing miseries will naturally seek companionship with those of the black. This latter portion of Southern society has its representatives, who swing from the scaffold with the same desperate coolness, though from a directly different cause, as that which was manifested by John Brown. The traitor Mumford, who swung the other day for trampling on the national flag, had been rendered perfectly placid and indifferent in his desperation by a Government that either could not or would not secure to its subjects the blessings of liberty which that flag imports.
The South cries for justice from the Government as well as the North, though in a pound and resentful spirit; and in what manner is that justice to be obtained? Is it to be secured by that wretched resource of a set of profligate politicians called "reconstruction?" No; it is to be obtained buy the abolition of slavery, and by no other course.
It is vain to deny that the slave system of labor is giving shape to the government of the society where it exists, and that that government is not republican either in form or spirit. It was through this system that the leading conspirators sought to fasten upon the people an aristocracy or a despotism; and it is not sufficient that they should be merely defeated in their object and the country be rid of their rebellion, for by our Constitution we are imperatively obliged to sustain the States agist the ambition of unprincipled leaders and secure to them the republican form of government.
We have positive duties to preform, and should hence adopt and pursue a positive, decided policy. We have services to render to certain States which they cannot perform for themselves. We are in an emergency which the framers of the Constitution might have easily foreseen and for which they have amply provided.
It is clear that the public good requires slavery to be abolished; but in what manner is it to be done? The mere quiet operation of Congressional law cannot deal with slavery as in its former status before the war, because the spirit of law is right reason, and there is no reason in slavery. A system so unreasonable as slavery cannot be regulated by reason. We can hardly expect the States to adopt laws or measures agaings their own immediate interests. We have seen that they will rather find arguments for crime than seek measures for abolishing or modifying slavery. But there is one principle which is fully recognized as a necessity in conditions like ours, and that is that the public safety is the supreme law of the state, and that amidst the clash of arms the laws of peace are silent.
It is then for our President, the Commander-in-Chief of our Armies, to declare the abolition of slavery, leaving it to the wisdom of Congress to adopt measures to meet the consequences. This is the usual course pursued by a general or by military power. That power gives orders affecting complicated interests and millions of property, leaving it to the other functions of government to adjust and regulate the effects produced. Let the President abolish slavery, and it would be an easy matter for Congress, through a well-regulated system of apprenticeship, to adopt safe measures for effecting a gradual transition from slavery to freedom . The existing system of labor in Louisiana is unsuited to pieces. It is a system of mutual jealousy and suspicion between the master and the man, a system of violence, immorality, and vice. the fugitive negro tells us that our presence renders his condition worse with his master than it was before, and that we offer no alleviation in return. The system is impolitic, because it offers but one stimulant to