In 1861 the seminal event in the United States gathered momentum as eleven Southern States attempted to secede from the country, resulting in a great Civil War. During the years following, the lives of every American family changed. Those changes are chronicled in thousands of books, essays, and articles written by participants, observers, and historians who seek to understand the reasons for the war, how people reacted to it, and why the North won or why the South lost. But few except descendants of participants or professional historians have had the opportunity to read the personal letters and evaluate the perspectives of an active Civil War soldier.

This essay provides a window into the thoughts, perspectives, attitudes and opinions of a soldier who fought in the war and left a legacy of twelve unpublished letters - letters that are probably unread outside his family. This collection of correspondence provides a wealth of materials for students of the war over 130 years later.

In August 1861 the oldest of three brothers of an Illinois family volunteered for service in response to President Abraham Lincoln’s call to arms to defend the Union. A short time later a second brother enlisted to serve his country, and, in 1862, a third brother joined the Union Army. For the family the war would be a story of triumph and heartbreak, life and death, opportunity seized and opportunity lost.

The men were the brothers Follett - John, Mell and William. Both John, the eldest, and William, the youngest, have left a written record of their service in the form of letters to John’s wife, Hortense, and their parents, Mr. And Mrs. A.H. Follett.¹ Through those letters this paper investigates the attitudes of John from soon after his enlistment in Galesburg, Illinois until early April, 1863, just prior to Grant’s final push to capture Vicksburg. That final date was selected because it marked the end of a period during which John and his unit, Company H, 33^rd Illinois Volunteer Infantry, saw no significant combat. Subsequent letters reflect John’s exposure to intensive fighting and harder times, such as his participation in Nathaniel Banks’ inept Red River Campaign. John’s letter of April 5, 1863, therefore, marks his end of innocence as a soldier – and provides an excellent place to pause and evaluate his perspectives toward the war and his life as reflected in his first twenty months of experience.

Why did he enlist to fight? What was his position toward the Union cause? How did he react to his fate? This essay will also compare John Follett’s experiences and attitudes, as reflected in his letters, to the generalities about soldiers made by the well known historian James I. Robertson in his marvelous book, Soldiers Blue and Gray. Another historian’s book, Gerald Linderman’s Embattled Courage, speaks of the Civil War notion of courage, and especially the differences between the courage of the soldiers and the expectation of courage among the civilian populace. How does John Follett compare to Linderman’s conclusions? John Follett’s letters provide a rare glimpse into the mind of an ordinary Union soldier. But how ordinary was he?

For the most part, the letters in the Follett Collection appear to have been written in pencil. They were often very difficult to transcribe, especially so because the punctuation of the writers has either faded into oblivion over the years or the writers simply did not use punctuation in the modern sense. Indeed, the years have made many parts of certain letters largely illegible. Computer enhancement of certain parts made transcription possible. Misspelled words abound and misuses of capitalization occur frequently. For example, William could not start a word beginning with an "S" without capitalizing it, regardless of its position in the sentence. Also, the style of the handwriting is considerably different than modern cursive. The small form of the letter "d" seldom has a stem that extends higher than the level of an "a" or "o;" the double "ss" also had a different written form in the 1860’s. The combination of these factors confuses the amateur transcriber, and certain words and phrases in various letters remain utterly undecipherable.²

The majority of the letters, some 27 of the 40 total, are from John; they are distributed throughout the war years.⁴ A complete listing of the Follett Collection is provided as Appendix A. As mentioned at the outset, this paper covers only John’s twelve letters from his enlistment to just before the fall of Vicksburg, April 1863.

John’s brother Mell Follett enlisted in 1861.⁵ There are no letters from Mell in the collection. However, a very tender, interesting and insightful letter from the father, A.H. Follett to John’s wife Hortense, describing Mell’s condition in Chattanooga in 1863 is part of the collection.⁶ It is the only letter written by the father.

William Follett joined for service and was enrolled August 11, 1862, at Cambridge, Illinois; a Captain Wainwright mustered his entire unit into service in Peoria on September 20, 1862, almost a year to the day after John began his service. William, or "Bill" as he often signs his letters, was 27 when he entered service, four years younger than John. William stood two inches taller than John, and he had light hair, was married, and his profession was marked "farmer."⁷ William never used a middle initial in signing his letters, and the muster roll shows neither a middle initial nor middle name for him. John, on the other hand, usually signed his letters "John M. Follett" and once wrote out his middle name, suggesting a certain pride in his full name. As would be expected, John often expresses interest in both William’s and Mell’s well being.

John Meacham Follett was born in New York State, but at the time of his enlistment he lived in Galesburg, Illinois, a small Knox County farming community in the middle of the state. At enlistment, John was 30 years old; he stood 5’9" tall with brown hair, blue eyes and a fair complexion. On September 19, 1861, he was joined for service and was enrolled in Knox County by his Company Commander, Captain James A. McKenzie. Days later a Captain Pitcher mustered his entire company into service on September 21 at Camp Butler.⁸ His unit became Company H of the 33^rd Illinois Volunteer Infantry.

The muster roll shows John was a "miller," and his letters mirror that he was a highly literate and fairly well educated one. His vocabulary was extensive and his spelling generally good, though often humorous to 20^th Century readers.⁹ But the true value of the letters is in the fact that John was at once a good observer and a plain talking philosopher, and he often shared both his opinions and his experiences with his wife and parents.

There is no doubt about the reason John joined the army and fought so long. Although he probably was a Democrat,¹⁰ John was fighting to "save the Union." From the very outset until the last letters that reflect on the accomplishment of the Union forces, John’s love for his country comes through again and again in his invariably straight forward expression. From time to time , however, John has to encourage his wife as to the value of their cause.

John’s second letter follows the mode of the first, and it is interesting because of the references to food.¹² Hortense had sent some cakes and pies, perhaps through the mail but more likely via an unknown friend, Mr. Smith. John mentions sending back some iron ore samples using Mr. Smith, so perhaps Smith had visited John’s unit from home. At that stage of the war it is possible the postal service had not yet been overwhelmed, but given the spotty delivery of regular mail that is mentioned in latter letters, it seems unlikely that pie and cake would have gotten through from Illinois. Along with cake and pie, however, John refers to the death of another soldier, evidently someone who died because of illness, as opposed to wounds.

John’s third letter, dated January 28, 1863, is to his parents, written while he was at "Fort Hovey,¹³" probably so named for "Colonel Hovey," his regimental commander. Its exact location in Missouri is unknown. In this letter John makes first mention of possible fighting, which would have involved Confederate forces under Jeff Thompson and Sterling Price, both of whom are identified in subsequent letters. John also remarks with great pleasure at having received letters from both his parents and his wife. Clearly, as James I. Robertson observed, mail and morale were inseparable companions during the war. In this letter we also get a glimpse into the overall mail situation, since John mentions having written but the previous letter in the collection was written more than a month before this one (of course, it could have been misplaced after having been received, but given the extent of the Follett Collection, that alternative appears unlikely.) John also mentions that his unit is using "Austrian muskets."

The next letter is written February 15th, 1862, a Sunday afternoon.¹⁵ It contains reference to U.S. Grant and possible operations against the Confederates at Columbus, Kentucky. John also writes of his faith and in God and in his cause,

The 30 miles covered each day are impressive for a Union force; however, the units from the Midwest such as the Army of the Potomac’s "Iron Brigade," composed of men from Wisconsin and Indiana, along with Illinois regiments were probably the pick of the Union forces. John, however, was one of the older soldiers in his company, and given his sergeant’s duties, he probably had additional responsibilities along the march. In this letter John again refers to his unit receiving new firearms, rifled muskets. He also writes of going to Ironton in order to buy supplies for his unit – coffee, soap and grease. He enthusiastically reports hearing good news from Ft. Donelson, but also expresses his fatigue, "We hear good news tonight from Fort Donelson. I hope our boys will clean out the rebels. Well I must stop writing for it is late and I am tired." John reports that his unit will be marching south and knows that will wear heavily on his wife, "I am glad it is warm for we have got to march from here next wednesday (sic) for Bloomfield. I suppose you will not like that but I do. There is a general movement south now and I want to do my share." This passage is exactly as a reader of Gerald Linderman’s book would expect to read from a soldier at this time and place. The 33^rd Illinois had yet to engage in serious fighting, and John’s eagerness to join in the fight was altogether normal for most the men.

Finally, this February letter confirms that John’s poor attitude towards McClellan continues, "We received news by telegraph last night that Springfield was taken by our troops, and that Price was retreating. Good. I think this war will be ended in two months now McLellans (sic) power is broken, and he no longer has supreme command." He closes the letter in a style that will become familiar to the reader, "I shall be glad when I can again kiss my wife and children and I think I will never leave them so long again. Good night my dear one. Yours as ever, John M. Follett."

March 11, 1862 finds John’s unit occupying the former campground of the Confederate unit of William Hardee, and thus the name of the camp is Camp Hardee.¹⁶ John mentions the first fighting done by his unit and he complains of his lack of pay – a common gripe of citizen-soldiers throughout the ages! He makes first mention of his brother Mell Follett while discussing a Union casualty whom he had befriended.
However, times have not been especially good for John and the 33^rd since his last letter,

On March 26, John again writes to Hortense.¹⁷ His words reflect the great joy of a soldier who has received that most precious of wartime commodities, letters from home,

Clearly his spirit is soaring. Later the letter describes the various training drills that his unit must perform,

But the description of how John’s company passes its spare time is humorous while simultaneously displaying good unit, and personal, morale:

This letter is one of John’s longest and most valuable to the Civil War historian. John discusses his rations, pay, and camp life. Written a few days before the great battle at Shiloh, at a time when Union fortunes in the West were high following the Confederate surrender of Forts Henry and Donelson, the letter demonstrates that many Union men thought the war would be short and they would be home soon.

Those passages are in keeping with John’s previous letters, but his opening paragraph reveals much about the 33^rd’s travails during its movement south:

More than six months pass before the next letter, which finds John’s unit back in Ironton, Missouri. There is no definite information about visits home. John often mentions his great desire to see his family, but no specific mention is made of his visiting Galesburg.

Had John been home, he probably would not have mentioned it being "curious" to sit and eat. But there is much more to this correspondence, interesting information that is also informative to Civil War students 135 years later. John reports having marched more than 400 miles since January 14^th, often without rations or adequate shoes. The passage is interesting because John’s unit was probably training, or simply staying fit, in preparation for the campaign that U.S. Grant would open within a few months,

Nevertheless, John’s commitment to his cause remains high, and he remains steadfast in his unwillingness to complain about his circumstances:

John is obviously very aware of the importance of Vicksburg. In less than a month, John and thousands of other men would be very actively involved in the most spectacular campaign of the war, Grant’s final push to seize the Confederate fortress on the Mississippi. John continues to reveal a dedication to his cause, and he is obviously proud of his family’s service, even if one of his brothers has become discouraged,

Nor does the continued lack of progress over the past two months that John was around Vicksburg seem to have a negative effect on John’s morale or his respect for his Army Commander,

Earlier letters have revealed John’s interest in nature, and this correspondence continues in tendency,

John has often displayed a strong belief in God and a fatalistic attitude toward death, but in this letter he also invokes the Bible to explain why the secessionists were losing the war,

All in all, this April letter to his parents and sister provides a snapshot of both the man and the soldier who was John M. Follett. He could have been the role model for the soldiers in Gerald Linderman’s Embattled Courage. Older than the average Union recruit, John almost immediately received additional responsibility as acting sergeant of the guard. He is a fatalist, believing his welfare in combat is mostly in God’s hands, though he does take strict measures to ensure his health in camp. He probably had not traveled a lot before his enlistment for his awe of nature and its beauty in parts of the country with which he is unfamiliar are plain for all to see. He certainly is deeply committed to his wife and family, and very respectful to his parents. He encourages his wife to maintain her commitment to their cause even though the war has brought them separation and family hardship.

John’s view toward soldiering is also consistent with James Robertson’s study of the soldiers in the war and presented in his Soldiers Blue and Gray. John is sure of his cause, which he deems unquestionably to be a righteous one. Hospitals and the conditions therein horrify him, yet he tries his best to assist his comrades who are sick and wounded. He frets about marching and yearns for combat, though he remains completely unaware of the horror of war. He complains about pay and about officers who fail to give him passes to see friends and relatives. Yet, he writes not a single derogatory word about Grant’s activities around Vicksburg in the period February to April, 1863, when many were losing patience with and faith in Grant.

Was John M. Follett an ordinary Union soldier? Probably, but by the standards of 1998, his letters reveal him to have been an extraordinary man.

Several famous generals from U.S. Grant to George McClellan are mentioned in John’s letters. A list of these famous historical figures is given below in Table 1. Also included in many letters are references to relatives, friends and neighbors from Illinois who are otherwise unknown to history and shown in Table 2. To the extent possible, the identification, unit and place of residence of these relatives and friends was established using the letters themselves or by using the Illinois State Archives and History Data Systems, Inc. websites.²⁵ Their use in this research has been invaluable. Various regiments mentioned by John Follett are found in Table 3.

* All units are Illinois Volunteer Infantry except as noted and all residences are Illinois. All ranks are private except as noted.

Follett, A.H. Chattanooga, to Hortense B. Follett, Galesburg, 21 November 1863, Follett Collection in the possession of Scott Laidig, Gulf, Breeze, Florida.

Follett, John M., Ironton, to Hortense B. Follett, Galesburg, 13 November 1861, Follett Collection, in the possession of Scott Laidig, Gulf, Breeze, Florida.

Follett, John M., Fort Hovey, to Hortense B. Follett, Galesburg, 8 December 1861, Follett Collection, in the possession of Scott Laidig, Gulf, Breeze, Florida.

Follett, John M., Fort Hovey, to Hortense B. Follett, Galesburg, 28 December 1861, Follett Collection, in the possession of Scott Laidig, Gulf, Breeze, Florida.

Follett, John M., Fort Hovey, to Parents, 28 January 1862, Follett Collection, in the possession of Scott Laidig, Gulf, Breeze, Florida.

Follett, John M., Fort Hovey, to Hortense, Galesburg, 29 January 1862, Follett Collection, in the possession of Scott Laidig, Gulf, Breeze, Florida.

Follett, John M., Fort Hovey, to Hortense, Galesburg, 30 January 1862, Follett Collection, in the possession of Scott Laidig, Gulf, Breeze, Florida.

Follett, John M., Fort Hovey, to Hortense, Galesburg, 15 February 1862, Follett Collection, in the possession of Scott Laidig, Gulf, Breeze, Florida.

Follett, John M., Camp Hardee, to Hortense, Galesburg, 11 March 1862, Follett Collection, in the possession of Scott Laidig, Gulf, Breeze, Florida.

Follett, John M., Camp Hardee, to Hortense, Galesburg, 26 March 1862, Follett Collection, in the possession of Scott Laidig, Gulf, Breeze, Florida.

Follett, John M., Pitman’s Ferry, to Hortense, Galesburg, 25 April 1862, Follett Collection, in the possession of Scott Laidig, Gulf, Breeze, Florida.

Follett, John M., Ironton, to Hortense, Galesburg, 21 February 1863, Follett Collection, in the possession of Scott Laidig, Gulf, Breeze, Florida.

Follett, John M., Milliken’s Bend, to Hortense, Galesburg, 28 March 1863, Follett Collection, in the possession of Scott Laidig, Gulf, Breeze, Florida.

Follett, John M., Milliken’s Bend, to Parents, 5 April 1863, Follett Collection, in the possession of Scott Laidig, Gulf, Breeze, Florida.

Follett, John M. Matagorda Bay, to Hortense B. Follett, Galesburg, 13 December 1863, Follett Collection, in the possession of Scott Laidig, Gulf, Breeze, Florida.

Robertson, James I. Soldiers Blue and Gray. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1988

The Follett Collection includes the following letters that are referenced in this essay. The Collection uses the following notational rules. First and last initials of the authors name (John Follett = JF), followed by the date of the letter, year-month-day, followed by the addressee and the place from which the letter was written:

Prepared by the Illinois Civil War Project: A project to put Illinois Civil War Rosters, History and More on the Internet.

The Thirty-third Infantry Illinois Volunteers was organized at Camp Butler, Illinois, in the month of September 1861, by Colonel Chas. E. Hovey, and mustered into the United States service by Captain T. G. Pitcher, U. S. A. September 20, moved to Ironton, Mo., via St. Louis; Remained at Ironton during the winter, with occasional scouts into the country. On one of these the battle of Fredericktown was fought - Company A on skirmish; March 1862, moved, with the command of General Steele, southward, passing into Arkansas at Pitman's Ferry, and marching, via Pocahontas and Jacksonport, to Batesville, where it joined General Curtis' army; thence, via Jacksonport, Augusta and Clarendon, to Helena.

July 7, at Cache creek, or Cotton Plant, several companies participated in a battle with Texas rangers, in which Company A rescued and brought off a field piece belonging to our cavalry. The rebels had a large number killed, and were pursued for some miles.  According to our official report one hundred and twenty three rebel dead were found on the main battlefield, and a number were killed in the pursuit. Seven were killed and fifty-seven wounded on the Union side; none killed in the Thirty-third.

During July and August were camped 20 miles south of Helena, and engaged in eight expeditions up and down the river.

September 1, was moved up the river to Sulphur Springs, and thence to Pilot Knobb, where it arrived in the middle of the October, 1862.

November 15, was moved to Van Buren, Ark., in Colonel Harris' Brigade, Brigadier General W.P. Benton's Division, of General Davidson's Corps. Made winter campaign in southeast Missouri, passing through Patterson, Van Buren, Alton, West Plains, Eminence and Centreville, and returned to Bellevue Valley, near Pilot Knob, about March 1,1863.

The Thirty-third was then ordered to Ste. Genevieve, Mo., where, with the command, it embarked for Milliken's Bend, La. Attached to the First Brigade, First Division, Thirteenth Army Corps, it was engaged in all its battles, participating in the battles of Port Gibson, Champion Hills, Black River Bridge, assault and siege of Vicksburg, and the siege of Jackson.

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