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Jane Addams |
The PROGRESSIVE PARTY
AND THE NEGRO
By JANE ADDAMS
AT the Progressive convention held in Chicago last August disquieting, rumors arose
concerning the Negro delegates It was stated that although two groups from Florida, one of
colored men and one of white, had been excluded because of a doubt as to which had been
authorized to elect delegates, that the colored men only from Mississippi had been
excluded; and that this was done in spite of the fact that the word "white" had
been inserted in the call for the State convention which elected the accredited
delegates. It did not seem sufficient to many of us that the credentials committee in
seating the Mississippi delegation bad merely protested against the use of' the word
"white," and some of us at once took alarm on behalf of the colored men.
With several others, who were also members of the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People, I appeared before the resolutions committee to point out
the inconsistency of pledging relief to the overburdened workingman while leaving the
colored man to struggle unaided with his difficult situation, if, indeed, the action of
the credentials committee had not given him a setback. |
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In reply we were told that colored men were sitting as delegates in the
convention, not only from such Northern States as Rhode Island, but that the Progressives
of West Virginia, Maryland, Tennessee and Kentucky had also elected colored delegates,
setting a standard which it was
hoped the States south of them would attain when the matter, was left to those men of the
South who are impatient in the thraldom of war issues arid old party alignments. It was
pointed out that such are the limitations of local self government that free political
expression can only be secured to the colored man through the co-operative action of the
patriotic and far-seeing citizens of the States in which he lives; that only when white
men and colored men together engage upon common political problems will the colored, man
cease, to be regarded as himself a problem., We were, reminded that under so-called
Republican protection the colored man has practically lost his vote in certain States, not
only through the grandfather clause, but through sheer intimidation in those counties
where the line of party cleavage follows the line of race antagonism, all the whites being
Democrats who vote, all the blacks Republicans who do not. We were further told that if
there was any disposition to continue old shams that it would be a very simple matter to
insert in the Progressive platform the glittering phrases which had done valiant service
for so long a time, not only to blind the colored man himself, but to enable the manager.
of a Republican convention to determine the result through the colored vote. By the simple
device of appointing, to federal offices colored men in the sections where there is no
Republican party, these men elect themselves delegates to the national conventions and
naturally repay their party by voting as their officeholding interests require. Certainly'
self-government is not being promoted by such political recognition on the part of
the
Republicans of the North any more than it is by the disenfranchising action on the part of
the Democrats of the South.
The Progressive convention took neither point of view and challenged at, one and at the
same; time the- traditional shibboleths of both parties. When I asked myself most
searchingly whether my Abolitionist father
would have remained in any political convention in which colored men had, been treated
slightingly, I recalled, an incident of my girlhood which was illuminating and somewhat
comforting.
I had given my father an explanation of a stupid decision whereby I had succeeded in
bungling the plans of a large family party; and I ended my apology with the honest
statement that I had tried to act upon what I thought his judgment would have been.
His expression of amused bewilderment changed to one of understanding as he replied:
"That probably accounts for your confusion of mind. You fell
into the easy mistake of substituting loyalty and dependence upon another's judgment for
the very best use of your own faculties. I should be sorry to think that you were always,
going to complicate moral situations, already sufficiently difficult, by trying to work
out another's point of view. You will do much better if you look the situation fairly in
the face with the best light you have."
Certainly the Abolitionists followed the best light they had, although it differed from
that possessed by the framers of the Constitution, whose light had also come from the
eighteenth century doctrines of natural rights and of abstract principles, when ideas were
pressed up to their remotest logical issues, without much reference to the conditions to
which they were applied. Shall we be less fearless than they to follow our own moral
ideals formed under the influence of new knowledge, even, although the notion of evolution
has entered into social history and politics, and although "abstract" in the
tongue of, William James, has come to imply the factitious, the academic, and even the
futile ?
We all believe that a wide extension of political power is the only sound basis of
self-government and that no man is good enough to vote for another, but we surely do not
be come mere opportunists when we try to know something of the process by which
the-opinion of the voter has been influenced and his vote secured. If it is done through
bribery, we easily admit that the whole system of representative government has broken
down, and we are not amounted to have lost our patriotism when we estimate how much of a
given vote is due to the liquor interests or to manufactured opinion; only on the
political status of the colored man is it still considered unpatriotic to judge, save as
one who long ago -made up his mind.
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Even in that remarkable convention where, for the moment, individual
isolation was dissolved into a larger consciousness and where, we caught a hint of the,
action of "the collective mind," so often spoken, of and so seldom apprehended,
I was assailed by the old familiar discomfort concerning the status of the colored
man. Had I felt any better about it, I speculated, when I had tried in vain for three
consecutive years to have, the question discussed by a great national association to whose
purposes such a discussion was certainly germane? Was I more dissatisfied with this action
than I had often been with no action at all ? I was forced to acknowledge to myself that
certainly war on behalf of the political status of the colored man was clearly impossible,
but that there might emerge from such federal action as the interference with peonage,
perhaps, a system of federal arbitration in interracial difficulties, somewhat analogous
to the function of the Hague tribunal in international affairs. In fact, it has already
been discovered at the Hague that many difficulties formerly called international were in
reality interracial. Through such federal arbitration it may, in time be demonstrated that
to secure fair play between races living in the same nation is as legitimate as it is when
irrational ram hatred breaks out on those fringes of empire which the Hague calls
"spheres of influence." The action of the Progressive party had at least taken
the color question away from sectionalism and put it in a national getting which might
clear the way for a larger perspective. Possibly this is all we can do at the present
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Viewing the third-party movement as a consistent, practical effort toward "the
barn raising of a new party in the nation," which in its organization and program
should not be along the old Civil War cleavages, we can predict but one outcome. The
issues were those of political democracy and industrial justice--a merging of the
political insurgency in the West and country, districts with the social insurgency of the
cities. Imbedded in this new, movement is a strong ethical motive, and, once the movement
is crystallized, once as a body of people it gets a national once as a pro aganda the rank
and P
Follow these links for more
information about race in the election of 1912 and on
the the other parties' efforts: Democrats, Republicans, Socialists. |
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