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Eugene Debs |
| Born in Terre
Haute, Indiana in 1855, Eugene Debs was throughout his lifetime the nations most
widely known and eloquent exponent of a socialist alternative to American capitalism.
Unlike many other American and European socialist leaders, Debs sought to avoid complex
and often divisive ideological debates over the pace and purity of a theoretical socialist
revolution and sought instead to connect the idea of socialized control over the
industrial economy to indigenous American traditions of political democracy, utopian
individualism, and radical reform. |
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Originally a locomotive fireman by trade, Debs quit this highly dangerous work at the
behest of his mother and turned instead to union work and local politics. He began his
union career in the 1870s with the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, rising quickly to
the head of the union and invigorating a previously weak and ineffective organization.
Running as a Democrat, he was twice elected city clerk of Terre Haute beginning in 1879
and in 1885 spent one term as as Indiana state legislator. Debs was disillusioned
with his experience as a legislator, disturbed by the lack of interest shown in his ideas
for railroad reform and by what he considered the callous process of political compromise.
He funneled his energy and enthusiasm back into his work with the union. At this point in
his career Debs was not a socialist but a conventional trade unionist, optimistic about
the possibility of class harmony through the organization of workers and the persuasion of
everyone else.
Through his work with the Firemens Brotherhood, Debs came to believe that unions
organized exclusively around craft inhibited the ability of workers to join together in
defense of common interests and allowed management to neutralize or crush union strength
through divide-and-conquer strategies. He resigned from the Brotherhood in 1892 to form
the American Railroad Union, which sought to organize all railroad workers into a single
union regardless of craft or skill. When workers at the Pullman
Sleeping Car Company went on strike in 1894 to protest wage cuts in the middle of a
severe depression, Debs led an ARU sympathy strike to support Pullman workers and to
publicize the idea of a single unified railroad union. ARU unionists refused to handle
trains carrying Pullman sleeping cars; national railroad traffic ground to a halt.
President Cleveland, on the advice of Attorney General (and former railroad attorney)
Richard Olney, called in federal troops to break the strike; dozens died in the ensuing
violence. For his role in the strike, Debs was prosecuted for obstructing the mails and
contempt of court. He was convicted on the second charge and spent six months in jail. |
He emerged from jail a national figure, a hero of the American Left, and a Socialist, though he initially resisted associating himself with that
label. He supported the Populists in 1896 and campaigned for William Jennings Bryan, but
Bryans defeat was for Debs the last straw; In January of 1897 he officially declared
himself a Socialist. In 1900 he ran for President on the ticket of the American Socialist
Party; he would do the same in every Presidential election but one between 1900 and 1920.
Debs also played a role in founding the Industrial Workers of the World in 1905, the most radical American union of the early twentieth century. The IWW was
committed to the idea of a single union for all workers regardless of skill, craft, or
occupation; this was an explicit rejection of the conservative unionism of Samuel Gompers
and the American Federation of Labor, which accepted only skilled workers organized by
trade. Debs later soured on the Wobblies policies of direct action and rejection of
political solutions to the problems of workers. |

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Debs was never particularly interested in the complex economic and political theories
that occupied and often as not divided the minds of most Socialists.
Ironically, this may have been his greatest asset as a Socialist politician. For Debs,
Socialism was as much about the dignity and humanity of the individual worker as it was
about abstract questions of the proper organization of the American means of production or
the distribution of wealth. This placed much of Debs rhetoric firmly within an
American as well as a European political context; Debs spoke in the optimistic, evangelical cadences of a home-grown American radical tradition, drawing on Emerson,
Robert Owen, or John Brown as much as on Marx or Engels. This often made Debs as many enemies as friends within the Socialist
Party itself, and for most of his career Debs sought to remain aloof from the fierce
factional infighting of the American Left. But it also gave Debs a broader popular appeal
than any other American Socialist could muster, and his personal charisma and
persuasiveness before an audience were second to no other American politician of any
stripe. Debs was also personally admired by many who detested his politics. "[W]hile
the overwhelming majority of the people here are opposed to the social and economic
theories of Mr. Debs," wrote the mayor of Terre Haute, Debs hometown, in 1907,
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there is not perhaps a single man in this city who enjoys to a greater degree
than Mr. Debs the affection, love, and profound respect of the entire community."
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Marc Horger was the author of this text. |
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